As of the time of this post, my blog is accessible to readers in the People’s Republic of China, despite the massive government firewall designed to censor internet content that would be problematic to the Chinese social structure. (Information courtesy of this site.) Admittedly, my knowledge of the situation in China is fairly limited, as most news sources easily accessible in English tend to either construct one of two narratives about the PROC: either the emerging greatness New Age of Wonder of Cutting-Edge Neoliberal Economics, or either the Iron Fist Maoist Empire Moving Toward World Domination. I know just enough to know that neither of these narratives are accurate, although both contain some truth about China’s fairly unique position in the new multipolar global system.
I know that many people with political ideals similar to mine (libertarian communism or anarcho-socialism) have had a difficult time expressing their ideas in ways that would translate well into the Chinese political discourse. I am told that the word “anarchy” has the same linguistic problem as it does in most world languages, as its Mandarin equivalent denotes anomie or chaos rather than a horizontal social structure. On the other hand, communism and socialism tend to translate into Maoist forms, and Chinese political discourse is almost exclusively between greater neoliberalization or a return to Maoist orthodoxy. Admittedly, my own political ideals have more in common with Maoism than with the authoritarian capitalism that currently rules the day in China. However, I hope it will be someday possible for someone (certainly not myself, as I don’t know Mandarin or any other Chinese language) to articulate an alternative to these two that is based on people’s free choice and mutual aid. Admittedly, such a system would inevitably be going against centuries of learned Confucian teachings (which held that even the gods had a hierarchical bureaucracy). However, Taoism, China’s other great philosophical branch, lends itself quite well to anti-authoritarian and anti-capitalist thought, and perhaps some day some wise Chinese man or woman will be able to use this cultural treasure for the purpose of creating a more free and equitable China.
One thing I certainly realize in writing this is, my writing, whether it remains accessible to PROC readers or not, will probably have little effect. For one, it’s in English, and secondly, it’s on the internet. This means that only small fraction of people in the PROC would be able to access or understand any of it. (However, a small fraction of more than a billion is still a lot of people.) Most of these people would probably be part of China’s emerging middle class, which while it is restricted, is seeing a greater economic prosperity and a growth in personal freedom, something that is not the experience of the majority of Chinese, for whom the new economic growth and urbanization has brought a decrease, not an increase in quality of life. Middle classes are necessary for the the stability of any power system. Both indebted to and oppressed by the ruling class, they are instrumental in maintaining the status quo. The larger a country’s middle class, the easier proletarian unrest can be put down. However, China’s middle class is still a very small percentage of its population and recent years have seen wildcat strikes and other ruptures in social control among China’s working class, which suggests that the China’s police state is not as strong as Westerners often claim. Whether China could experience a revolutionary or even a reform movement remains to be seen, but given China’s importance in the global economy, one can only hope that they are able to strike for more pay and rights and help reverse the race to the bottom that is the experience of the working class in this age of globalization.